This posting is from an edited and reduced chapter in my previous work, Forgotten Power: The significance of the Lord’s Supper in revival (Zondervan, 2003). It will be part of my forthcoming work, "The Fall and Rise of Pauline Christianity.”
The Scottish Communion cycles
The first mass revivals of Reformed Protestantism occurred within the Scottish Presbyterian Church. Those revivals are unknown by most Christians today because that they do not fit the present pattern of revival. Specifically, the Scottish revivals focused around a cycle of preaching, feasting and fellowship, that culminated in the Lord’s Supper. This has no equivalent in the contemporary Church.
To understand these revivals, we need to say something about the meaning of the word “sacrament” and how the Reformers originally understood the Lord’s Supper. The concept of a “sacrament” was unfortunately one of the divisive issues of the Reformation period and has divided Catholics and Protestants ever since. The understanding of the sacraments has also been seriously hampered by the acceptance of superssionism in traditional Christianity, which could not see the connection and continuity of Old Testament sacramental forms with the New Testament sacraments.
By the Middle Ages Catholic theology numbered the sacraments at seven. Besides Baptism and Holy Communion, these included matrimony, confirmation, confession, the ordination of priests and Bishops, and anointing of the sick. Foot washing, which is mandated by Jesus in John’s account of the last supper (John 13) and carried out in the early church (1 Tim 5:10) did not make it into the list of recognized sacraments. Perhaps because it is too “earthy” and occasionally can be erotically stimulating – something very frightening to the Hellenistic Christian mind set. Similarly, the “holy kiss,” repeatedly commended in the Epistles, was never taken seriously or given sacramental dignity.
The Protestant Reformers recognized only two sacraments, Baptism and Holy Communion. These were called the “dominical sacraments,” as clearly mandated by Christ. Evangelicals often call the sacraments “ordinances” to separate themselves from what they saw as the excesses of Catholic sacramental theology.
Biblical Definition of a Sacrament:
The most common definition of a sacrament is that it is “an outward sign, signifying an inward grace.” The classic Roman Catholic definition is similar, “an outward sign instituted by Christ to give grace.” Most definitions miss an important element, that a sacrament activates a covenant relation of grace and mercy between God and believers. The clear Biblical example is found in Luke’s commentary on the Baptism practiced by John.
All the people, even the tax collectors, when they heard Jesus' words, acknowledged that God's way was right, because they had been baptized by John. But the Pharisees and experts in the law rejected God's purpose for themselves, because they had not been baptized by John. (LK 7:29-30)
This is a scripture that has not drawn much attention form Catholic theologians since it clearly shows that Jesus had nothing to do with its origins, and it credits John’s baptism as an authentic, grace giving sacrament. In fact, John’s baptism developed out of an earlier rite that the rabbis developed to bring a Pagan convert into Judaism. The washing in baptismal water symbolized an new life away from the defilements of Paganism and into the righteousness of Judaism.
This means that the Holy Spirit inspired unknown rabbis of the pre-New Testament period to develop such a rite, and John adopted it for the forgiveness of sins of backslidden Jews. Jesus then carried it forth to His disciples with added graces. All of this is contrary to the theology of supersessionism, which tends to limit and minimize the importance of Jewish rites as truly grace giving.
St. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo in North Africa, laid the foundations of Western Christianity’s sacramental theology with his prolific writings. Unfortunately he also accepted the suppersessionist beliefs of the Early Church. Thus, in Augustine’s view, the Old Testament sacramental structure of feasts, temple service, etc. were only “types” and foreshadowing of the Christian sacraments, but not valid, grace-giving actions in themselves. Thus illogically, the rites and festivals gave no grace to those who obeyed and performed them in the Old Testament times, but they were “instructional” for New Testament Christians.
Augustine’s disdain of the Old Testament sacraments was disputed by other theologians in Middle Ages. For example, St. Bonaventure (1221-1274) totally disagreed with Augustine and saw the Old Testament festivals, especially Passover, as sacraments and truly grace giving. In his view “The sacraments were instituted [by God] from the beginning to cure the sickness of sin, and they will endure until the end of time.” Although Bonaventure understood the primacy that Jesus played in establishing the Church’s sacramental ministry, he also understood that the sacraments had their origins the Father’s love and mercy. For instance, Bonaventure believed that God established the sacrament of matrimony at the Garden of Eden, and continues as a valid sacrament even among the heathen. Unfortunately, St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), who developed what became the official Roman Catholic theology of the sacraments, sided with Augustine and with the suppersessionist tradition of the Church.
Reformers vs. Catholic Sacramental Theology:
When Martin Luther triggered the Reformation (1517) he was attacking, in great part, an exaggerated sacramental system. Medieval Roman Catholicism had evolved into an authoritarian church in which salvation seemed to be offered through priestly manipulation of the sacraments that included “money-for-grace,” as in purchased masses said for the dead.
The Catholic practice of the Lord’s Supper (the mass) was particularly disturbing to the Reformers. Luther and other Reformers understood from their study of the Early Church that the Lord’s Supper was originally ministered to the Christian community with both bread and wine, and celebrated often. Yet Catholic practice at the time was to distribute communion to the laity only twice a year, Easter and Christmas, and then only as a wafer of bread. (The reversals to frequent communion by Catholics happened at the end of the 19th Century, and to both wafer and wine after Vatican II in the 1960s.)
More centrally, Luther and the other Reformers understood that the Catholic sacramental system had usurped the central role of the Word in the Christian’s life. Luther initially proclaimed that the only real sacrament was the preaching of the Word. He quickly retreated from this extreme position and recognized Baptism and the Lord’s Supper.
An inherent difficulty in Protestant sacramental theology was that its central theological understanding was focused on Paul’s (and St. Augustine’s) concept of election and pre-destination. If man’s salvation depended solely of God’s degrees in election, then why the sacraments? The Bible itself was unclear about the exact role of the sacraments. Jesus plainly mandated Baptism, the Lord’s Supper and foot washing, but did not give reasons why.
Protestantism’s ambivalence towards the sacraments led to its first great divide. Martin Luther came to appreciate the need to affirm the “real presence” of Christ in the Eucharist. Yet within two decades Luther was himself challenged by more radical Reformers on the meaning of the sacraments. This came from the zealous Swiss Reformer, Hulrich Zwingli (1484-1531). Zwingli based his sacramental theology on
6:63 “flesh is of no avail.” and on the fact that
Jesus bodily ascended to the right hand of the Father (Acts 1:90). Therefore,
Zwingli reasoned, his body could not be distributed on earth in communion. He
saw the Lord’s Supper was an “ordinance” that Christians must perform out of
obedience, but not a covenant or grace-giving event. Zwingli was killed in battle against the Catholics in a religious
civil war that broke in his beloved Switzerland. His radical anti-sacramental
theology remained in the background of Protestant thought, but has been a major
resource to Protestants when sacramental piety is weakened, as in much of
Calvin’s Sacramental Theology:
John Calvin (1509-1564), the theological genius of the Reformation, and the person who unfortunately made cessationism central to Protestantism, affirmed, like Luther, the real presence of Christ in the Lord’s Supper. But he also wanted to assert the supremacy of the preached Word. Calvin agreed with Zwingli that the Lord’s body was presently glorified and at the right had of the Father, however:
Even though it seems unbelievable that Christ’s flesh, separated from us by such great distance, penetrates to us, so that it becomes our food, let us remember how far the secret power of the Holy Spirit towers above all our senses, and how foolish it is to wish to measure his immeasurableness by our measure. What, then, our mind does not comprehend, let faith conceive: that the Sprit truly unites things separated in space.
Thus, according to Calvin, there is a real presence of Jesus in the Lord’s Supper, even though it is a spiritual presence, not physical. Calvin would have been greatly aided by understanding what quantum physics calls “non-locality – a concept that he could not imagine at the time (see chapter 00 below). Calvin viewed the Lord’s Supper as a major instrument of the Christian’s process of sanctification. In his writings and in his church in Geneva he placed stress on the proper preparation for reception of the sacrament, especially in the examination of conscience. But he also criticized Catholic theology for making proper preparation too difficult, as in the observance of the whole penitential season of Lent before receiving communion on Easter Sunday.
Surely the devil could find no speedier means of destroying men than by so maddening them that they could not taste and savor this food which their most gracious heavenly Father had willed to feed them. …let us remember that this sacred feast is medicine for the sick, solace for sinners, alms to the poor…For since Christ is given to us as food, we understand that without him we would pine away, and faint – as famine destroys the vigor of the body.
Calvin advised that the Lord’s Supper be received weekly at the Sunday service, in conjunction, of course, with the vigorous preaching of the Word. (How ironic that Catholic and Protestant positions have reversed so completely in modern times!)
Scottish Sacramental Revivals:
John Knox (1510-1572), founder of the Reformation in Scotland, wanted a balance of "Word and sacrament" for the new, Scottish Reformed Church. His theology followed Calvin’s view of the real but "spiritual" presence of the Lord in the Eucharist. Knox, again following Calvin, sought to reconstruct the Lord's Supper as celebrated in New Testament times. Bread and wine would be served on tables to a seated congregation in sufficient quantities to simulate a small meal.
Knox wanted weekly communions for his new churches, but practicality intervened. Knox could not recruit enough educated candidates or ex-priests to ordain as Protestant clergy. Instead, many rural parishes were led by laymen, “that distinctly can read the common prayers and the scriptures..." But these "readers" were not authorized to minister the sacraments or even preach. The few ordained ministers visited the lay led congregations on a rotation basis to preach, and minister baptisms and communion. Thus unintentionally the Scottish Reformed Church (Presbyterian) drifted into the Catholic pattern of communion once or twice yearly per congregation.
The Communion Cycle:
By the 1620s, with a new generation of educated clergy in place, a pattern had developed which served as the perfect vehicle to blend sacramental piety and recurring revivals. The Lord's Supper was celebrated as a three or four day cycle. From Thursday to Saturday the pastor preached repentance, reviewed the Ten Commandments, and gave opportunity for public confession. Also on Saturdays stamped metallic tokens (similar to poker chips) were given to those in the congregation qualified for communion - those in good standing in the church. This included the necessity for persons to be at peace with their neighbors. (Matt 5:23-24) Thus Saturdays was often a day of reconciliation between feuding clans and neighbors.
Sunday was the day for "the sacrament." The communion service could be done inside the church on temporary tables that filled the church (fixed pews had not come into use) or outdoors under tents. The tables were set with immaculate white linen. The tokens were deposited in a special box, as symbolic of a solemn recommitment to lead a Christian life in the coming year. Wave after wave of communicants received the elements to the sound of the congregations singing the Psalms, or an elder reading portions of the Bible. The communion service often took all morning, and many communicants had deeply moving experiences at the Table. One communicant from the 1740s reported:
Example of Holy communion tokens:
I cannot express what I met there, I can only say, my soul was filled with rays of divine light & love and I was so full of the gracious presence of God, that I could hold no more.
The cycle normally came to an end in the afternoon with a thanksgiving sermon. Although each parish would celebrate the Lord's Supper only once or twice a year, the host church would invite neighboring parishes to participate - as many as eight or ten congregations. Thus the pious Scot might attend five to eight communions during the “sacramental season” of summer and fall. Food and lodging was provided by the host village, as the guests would crowd every available house, barn and shed.
Like the proverbial Irish wake, these sacraments were both solemn and festive. Solemnity reigned during the preaching times and at the communion table, but there was much festivity at the periods of shared food, ale and crowded lodging. Courtships were initiated, and friendships formed or reestablished. Significantly, many non-believers who came for the social aspects and free food were often convicted and converted during the sacramental cycle. George Wemyss, editor of a popular collection of communion sermons of the era wrote:
...the great Master of Assemblies is pleased so far to countenance them with his presence and power, that many hundreds, yea thousands in this land, have dated their conversion from some of these occasions.
Revival in Northern Ireland:
The first of the communion cycle mass revivals broke out in the 1620s among the Protestant population of Northern Ireland. There the established Church of England (Anglican) lacked sufficient ministers for its churches and invited Scottish Presbyterian ministers to “fill in.” These ministers brought with them the traditions of the communion cycles. At some of these cycles the Spirit of God was so present that they extended to a Monday thanksgiving service. An eye-witness reported:
I have known them that have come several miles from their own houses … and spent the whole Saturday night in several companies, sometimes a minister being with them, sometimes themselves alone in conference and prayer, and waited on the public ordinances the whole Sabbath, and spent the Sabbath night likewise, and yet at the Monday sermon not troubled with sleepiness...
The more dramatic manifestations of revival were also much in evidence. A participating pastor wrote in 1625:
I have seen them myself stricken, and swoon with the Word - yes. A dozen in one day carried out of doors as dead, so marvelous was the power of God smiting their hearts for sin, condemning and killing; and some of these were none of the weaker sex or sprit, but indeed some of the boldest spirits
These were among the first references to the "fallings" that would be common to many future revivals. They are hinted at in scripture in the description of the dedication of the first Temple:
And when the priests came out of the holy place, a cloud filled the house of the Lord, so that the priests could not stand to minister because of the cloud, for the glory of the Lord filled the house of the Lord. (1Kgs. 8:10-11
Jonathan Edwards, the theologian of the Great Awakening, would call the physical manifestations of the fallings, groanings, tremblings, etc., "exercises.” Almost three centuries later Pentecostals called the fallings, "falling under the power." But at the time of these communion cycle revivals the manifestations were not named or understood.
Naturally these manifestations brought controversy, and the revivals soon came under attack. The Anglican Dean of Down observed the 1625 outpourings and wrote with Pharisaical smugness:
The people in that place are grown in such frenzies that the like is not to be found among the Anabaptist... So that every sermon, 40 or so people, for the most part women, fall down in the church in a trance, and are (as it is supposed) senseless, but in their fits they are grievously afflicted with convulsions, tremblings, unnatural motions. After they awake they confess that they have seen devils (as who may not see a factious and a cheating devil among them)...
By 1632 the Anglican Bishop, who back in 1620s had welcomed the Scottish Presbyterian ministers, ordered them suspended from the ministry and closed down the communion cycles The ministers scattered, mostly returning to Scotland, but leaving behind a revived laity that met in homes and continued the memory of "the sacrament.” Later, in the 1640s, the Presbyterian Church was organized in Ireland the communion cycles resumed.
Back in Scotland, the Monday thanksgiving service became part of the communion cycle. Often weddings and baptism were added to the Monday agenda, making the cycle even more popular with the people. But at the same time this was a period of sever persecution for the Presbyterian clergy. They were being coerced to become Anglicans and come under the authority of the Church of England. Many were removed from their churches and some were even tortured to “convert.”
But instead many ousted ministers became itinerant preaches, living off the care of the people directly. The communion cycles were held in the woods or barns, away from the Anglican bishop's agents. The authorities called these meetings "coventicles" and considered them hot beds of rebellion. In 1634 a royal proclamation by the King of England banned such meetings. The decree was largely ignored and merely made the English Stuart king, Charles I, even more unpopular. Eventually the Scottish people rose in rebellion (1638) and later joined with the Puritan forces to oust him.
The "Cams'lang Wark"
With the “Glorious Revolution” of 1688 the Protestant William of Orange assumed the crown of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Presbyterians were released from any further persecution or attempts to make them into Anglicans. With the new freedoms, the years between 1688 and 1750 saw the communion cycles reach their flowering, with sacramental cycles of five thousand participants becoming common. But the largest and most famous of the sacramental cycles was the one held at the village of Cambuslang (five miles from Glasgow) in 1742.
For several years previous to that date the people of Cambuslang had experienced a steady stream of awakenings and conversions under the evangelical preaching of its minister, William McCulloch. He mobilized faithful intercessors within the parish's "societies of prayer" to pray for revival. These societies were common in the United Kingdom at the time. They were similar to the Piest Bible studies (see chapter 00). Cambuslang had several such societies, and they were now focused on praying for revival.
McCulloch raised the faith-expectancy of his parishioners by reading from the pulpit news items about the Great Awakening led by the Anglican evangelist and priest, George Whitefield. McCulloch also publicly read Jonathan Edwards' account of the revival at Northampton, A Faithful Narrative (1737), which described revival in colonial Massachusetts and its manifestations, “fallings” and all. One Cambuslang villager described how McCulloch had exhorted the unsaved during the winter of 1741/42:
At the close of the Sermon, the minister [McCulloch] charged us to go home to a retired place, and fall down upon our bended knees before God, and with all possible earnestness, as for life, to beg of him his Holy Spirit to renew and change our hearts and natures, and take no comfort in anything worldly, till we got it.
George Whitefield, the great itinerant revivalist, preached throughout Scotland during 1741. He had an especially effective ministry in Glasgow. McCulloch's corresponded with him, and when Whitefield again came to Scotland in June of 1742 he agreed to come to Cambuslang for its summer sacrament the week of July 6. McCulloch coordinated with local churches and prepared for a large turnout. Two preaching tents were set up so that the people could be close to at least one preacher. It was hoped that perhaps ten thousand might come, double the maximum turnout of the times.
About thirty thousand persons descended upon Cambuslang from all of Scotland and England. Whitefield showed up on the Tuesday the 6th and preached three times to large crowds, then left, but returned to preach the Saturday sermons. Whitefield wrote to a friend:
It far out-did all that I ever saw in America...Mr., M[cCulloch] preached after I had ended, till one past in the morning, and then could scarce persuade them to depart. All night in the fields, might be heard the voice of prayer and praise.
Whitefield preaching outdoors:
Along with a dozen other ministers McCulloch and Whitefield distributed the Lord’s Supper on Sunday to over 1,700 communicants. Whitefield stayed Monday and preached again with special effect. He wrote "...thousands bathed in tears. Some at the same time wringing their hands, others almost swooning and others crying out." McCulloch estimated that at least five hundred persons were converted during this communion cycle. The modern reader may wonder why those under conviction were not invited to an “altar call” to receive the Lord immediately. The altar call had not been developed, and such a rapid passage from conviction to full conversion would have seemed “heretical” at the time.
The Monday that Whitefield preached, one of the principal minister-celebrants of the cycle, Dr. Webster of Edinburgh, suggested another sacrament soon. Although this was unprecedented, Whitefield, McCulloch and others prayed about the matter and agreed. Another communion cycle at Cambuslang was set to culminate on Sunday, August 15th. The crowds were duly informed, and those qualified scrambled to get another round of tokens.
The crowds that came for the August communion cycle were even larger, estimated at between thirty and fifty thousand. This is an incredible number of people given that the total population of Glasgow at the time was less than eighteen thousand persons. Three thousand received communion, with perhaps another thousand, who could not get tokens, watching tearfully from the sides. The Sunday communion began at eight thirty in the morning and the last bread and wine were served at sunset. Whitefield stayed all day and preached after communion till ten at night. The Monday sermons grew another large crowd, with twenty-four ministers present, including many of the older ones who had endured persecution, banishment and torture at the hands of the King's agents, but here there was no animosity between the Anglican and Presbyterian.
Documenting the Revival:
Pastor McCulloch wished to document how the communion cycle revival affected the persons in his parish. To this end he carefully interviewed and recorded the experiences of one hundred and eight parishioners, young and old, male and female, who communed during the summer of 1742. He had planned to publish these interviews in an effort to encourage revival elsewhere and to answer mounting criticism.
The interview manuscript went to 1200 pages; McCulloch invited fellow revival ministers to look at the text and edit out anything that might be heretical or controversial. The project never made it to print. What the lay narratives recorded, and what the pro-revival ministers planned to edit out, speak volumes about the difficulties that Reformed theology, with its embedded cessationism, had in dealing with the spiritual experiences of revival.
The cessationist error had unintentionally created a division between ministers and laity. The ministers learned cessationism as part of their theological studies. On the other hand, the lay persons, who read only the Bible, the catechism, and perhaps few devotional books, did not learn it directly. In the course of the communion cycle, with its meditations on Christ’s sufferings, private prayer time, and the graces of the communion itself, many persons experienced the very spiritual events that the cessationist clergy viewed as “mysticism” and improper to the current Church Age.
For example, one of McCulloch's parishioners was a young woman, Catherine Cameron, Brought up in a devout and well to do home, she came to have her first spiritual experience at fourteen at a sacrament cycle in a nearby village. There she was "much in weeping & trembling, and a desire to have an interest in Christ." At this point Catherine's experiences were common to the well understood conversion process, and in proper cessationist order.
But things became more complex. Her most significant sacramental occasion was the second sacrament of Cambuslang (August 1742). Tuesday night during her vigil she described in St. Teresa of Avila type language that "... [I] was so ravished by the love of Christ that night that I could sleep little, and all next morning and day I was in the same frame: and saying as the spouse of Christ, my beloved is mine & I am his..."
On Sunday, when she sat down at the Table she burst out in tears of penitence and gratitude, and when she took the cup she heard Christ tell her "My blood is sufficient to wash away all thy sins." After communion she spent the rest of the day singing psalms and in prayer, and "every now & then I behooved to rise, and take another view of my Lord's Table." The whole communion scene filled her with heavenly joy:
I cannot express the joy with which I was filled, in the time the tables were serving, and I could not endure to look down to the earth, but look'e up - mostly to heaven, & thought, I heard Christ speaking to me from thence and saying, Arise my love, my fair one, and come away: and saw him, as it were, reaching down his hand, & drawing me up to himself..."
In the following years Catherine remained steadfast in her devotions, and on several communion occasions had visions of the Lord and of the gates of heaven – contrary to Reformation theology and cessationist doctrine.
Naturally, not all who devoutly followed the communion cycle experienced such visions. One woman from Cambuslang reported conversion experiences during 1742 communion cycle that would win the approval of any Reformed minister:
I went out to the fields by myself for prayer, & there falling down, while I was earnestly pleading, That the Lord might give me a clearer sight & more affecting sense of evil of my sins as dishonoring to him...the Lord was pleased accordingly to give me the desire of my heart in that manner, & more than I ask'd or could think of. For I …was made to see my sins especially...& was made spiritually & in the most evident manner by faith to look as it were thro' his pierced side into his heart, & see it filled with Love to me...
What is even more interesting in the interview manuscript are that the side annotations and bracketed sections intended for suppression. These followed the ministers’ cessationist theology. Experiences like those of Catherine Cameron’s were bracketed out, as were others that plainly spoke of direct visions or of hearing the Lord’s voice (called “locutions” in Catholic theology). While those experiences which were phrased more indirectly, such as “I sensed the Lord say…” were acceptable for publication.
In any case, even the sanitized manuscript never made it to the printer. We can only speculate that perhaps the ministers could not fully agree on the boundaries of proper spiritual experiences. Another factor that may have influenced not publishing the interviews was the mounting opposition to the communion cycles by Pharisaical and anti-revivalist factions within the Presbyterian church who sneered at the "enthusiasm” and “mysticism” of the communion revivals. Indeed, the opponents of revival were mounting an aggressive propaganda campaign against the cycles.
(The next blog posting will detail the opposition to the Communion Cycles and how they were “reformed” into non-evangelical events.)
If you have enjoyed this blog posting please pray for my work and quick publication of my forthcoming work “Fall and Rise of Pauline Christianity.”
Also, please pester Zondervan to bring my work, Forgotten Power: The Significance of the Lord’s Supper in Revival (2003), back into print.
The noted Pentecostal scholar Dr. Jon Ruthven wrote a very positive review of my latest book, Agnes Sanford and Her Companions: The Assault on Cessationism and the Coming of the Charismatic Renewal. You can access it HERE.
The book may be purchased on Amazon, either print or inexpensive Kindle HERE You can purchase the print version at a discount from the publisher HERE
My wife has written a funny and inspiring story of how she transited from a cessionist and Baptist to a Spirit-filled Believer. The book has many stories of our three decades of ministry together. It may be purchased HERE.
The best book on the Scottish Presbyterian sacramental revivals is Leigh Eric Schmidt’s, Holy Fairs: Scottish Communions and American Revivals in the Early Modern Period, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989). It is well written and makes for an exciting spiritual narrative. Schmidt represents a new type of academic scholar who takes religious experiences seriously and does not marginalize them as abnormal psychological sates.
 Churches that do still practice foot washing often segregate the women from the men in the rite.
 Rom. 16:16, 1, Cor. 16:20, 2 Cor. 13:12, 1 Thess. 5:26, 1 Pet. 5:14. the holy kiss was practiced widely until the 4th Century. See for example Justin Martyr’s Apostolic Constitution. The literature on the Holy Kiss is surprisingly scant.
 From the Baltimore Catechism, available online.
Frank Gavin , The Jewish Antecedents of the Christian Sacraments (London: SPCK, 1933).
 Marcel Dubois, “Jews, Judaism and
Israel in the Theology of ,” Immanuel 22/23 (1989), 162-170. Saint Augustine
An summary of this issue is found in the superb and seminal article by Van Eijk, "The Difference Between the Old and the New Testaments Sacraments as an Ecumenical Issue.” Bijdragen 52 (1991), 2-36.
 Cited from: John Francis Quinn, “Saint Bonaventure and the Sacrament of Matrimony,” Franciscan Studies 12 (1974), 101.
 E. Brooks Holifield, The Covenant Sealed: The Development of Puritan Sacramental Theology in Old and
15470-1720 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), passim. This book is a masterwork of historical theology.
 Calvin, Institutes, IV, xvii, 10.
 Calvin, Institutes, IV, xvii, 41.
 Calvin, Institutes, IV, xvii, 42.
 Calvin, Institutes, IV, xvii, 43.
Mary McWhorter Tenny, Communion Tokens: Their Origins, History , and Use (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1936), 27.
George Burnet, The Holy Communion in the Reformed Church of Scotland. (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1960), chapter 1, "From Mass to Communion in the Reformed Era." A spiritual point might be made that harsh judgments of others often come back on oneself.
Anonymous participant in the Cambuslang sacrament, 1742, cited in Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 161-162.
For a modern, practical rendition of this liturgy see: David A. Ramsey, and R. Craig Koedel, "The Communion Service - An 18th Century Model,” Journal of Presbyterian History 54 (Summer, 1976) 203-216.
 These communions took place two centuries before the Evangelical temperance movement, and moderate consumption of alcoholic beverages was considered normative for all social occasions. Drunkenness was the sin, not drinking wine or ale.
Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 45.
The following account is drawn from the monograph by W. D. Bailie, The Six Mile Water Revival of 1625, (Belfast: The Presbyterian Historical Society of Ireland, 1976).
Bailie, Six Mile, 13.
Marilyn J. Westerkamp, "Enthusiastic Piety - From Scots-Irish Revivals to the Great Awakening," 70, in: Philip R. Vandermcer, and Robert P. Swierenga (Eds.) Belief and Behavior: Essays in the New Religious History (
Rutgers University Press, [c.1991]. New Brunswick
It has been given the more dignified name by the Catholic charismatic theologian Francis McNutt, "resting in the Spirit." See: Francis McNutt, Overcome By the Spirit (Old Tappen: Fleming H. Revell, 1990).
Cited in Bailie, Six Mile, 18.
Described in detail, but with some reticence as regard to revival manifestations, in Arthur Fawcett's work: The Cambuslang Revival: The Scottish Evangelical Revival of the Eighteenth Century, (London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1971).
Fawcett, Cambuslang, 105
Cited in Schmidt, Holy Fairs 114.
Fawcett, Cambuslang , 117.-
Fawcett, Cambuslang, 115.
A common torture used to coerce the Presbyterian ministers during the height of persecution was to press the hands under a vice-like device until all the bones were crushed.
The following section is based on the splendid section of Schmidt's Holy Fairs, chapter 3, "The Mental World of Pastors and Peoples," one of the best of his excellent work.
Her story, and all o the quotations are from Schmidt's Holy Fairs, 118-122
Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 120.
Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 120.
Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 120.
Schmidt, Holy Fairs 120. For another case study of a visionary experience that was bracketed out, this one by a young man, Alexander Bilsland, see: Fawcett, Cambuslang. 148-149.
Schmidt, Holy Fairs Holy, 138
“Enthusiasm” was the smear word of the 18th Century, much like “religious fanaticism” is used today. Ironically, many of the leaders of Reformed Protestantism, Puritan and Calvinist, has Spirit-gifted experiences, especially prophetic utterances, without loosing their status as leaders. On this point see: Vern S. Poythress, “Modern Spiritual Gifts as Analogous to Apostolic Gifts: Affirming Extraordinary Works of the Spirit with Cessaionist Theology,” Journal of Evangelical Theological Society, 39 #1 (March 1996), 100ff.